Good progress in India’s policy on climate change! October 2, 2009

By Estelle Rouhaud.

Indian Environment Minister, Jairam Ramesh, has recently given an update about India’s position on climate change. Here is what he says will be discussed in Parliament by the end of the year, independently of the Copenhagen process.

“- We’re saying let’s build a mandatory fuel efficiency standard by law by 2011.

- Let’s build mandatory building codes which are energy efficient compliant by 2011.

- Let’s say that by 2020, [a certain] percent of our electricity supply will come from renewable energy. It’s 8 percent now; maybe it can go up to 20 percent by 2020 or 2030.

- Say 5 to 10 percent of our gross cultivated area could be under organic farming so methane emissions from our agriculture could reduce.

- Today 10 percent of our annual greenhouse gas emissions are being sequestered by our forests. By 2030 we could increase this proportion to 15 percent by increasing the area under forest and tree cover.

- We could also say that over the next fifteen to twenty years, energy intensity [energy used per unit of GDP]–which today in India is on par with Germany–would further come down by another 10 to 15 percent.

- We are saying 50 percent of all coal-based power generation must come from clean coal technology.”

India is also hoping to increase its nuclear power capacity. At the moment, 3.7% of India’s electricity comes from nuclear power. The objective by 2020 is 5% and by 2040, 25%.

Finally, let’s remind ourselves about India’s National Action Plan on Climate Change released last year and the country’s determination that “its per capita greenhouse gas emissions will at no point exceed that of developed countries”.

Do you still think India is not doing anything on climate change?

Hot stuff from Brussels! February 8, 2008

Hot stuff from Brussels!
But can Europe lead on climate without a federal carbon bank?

by Chris Layton

With its wide ranging proposals published on January 24 the European Commission has taken a decisive step towards establishing the EU as a credible leader in the global effort to combat climate change. The question now is whether the member states will go along with its core proposals and whether a further fundamental institutional change will be needed to make it work.

The pearls at the heart of the Commission’s proposals on climate change are the proposals to strengthen the European Emissions Trading Scheme: by cutting allocations, moving to the auctioning of emissions by 2012, blocking some of the Kyoto loopholes and adopting a community wide CAP on emissions from 2013 onward.

Tough national targets to implement the Union’s commitment to generate 20 per cent of its energy from renewable energy by 2020 are also proposed. These, though moving vigorously in the right direction, are contentious, hard to enforce and considered a distraction by market purists. By contrast the proposals to cut emissions allocations in the next phase of ETS, and by 20 per cent by 2020 are essential to drive up the price of carbon to the level necessary to make investment in renewables, nuclear power and carbon capture profitable over time. Rising oil, gas and coal prices already encourage energy saving and renewables. But they also drive research and exploitation of dirtier and less accessible fossil fuels (like Canada’s coal tar sands). Only a large differential between the price of carbon-intensive and clean fuels will give the power industry the longterm signal its European leaders plead for as they plan investment in some 660 gigawatts of new electric power capacity over the next thirty years.

Green critics point out that the 20 per cent target for 2020 is insufficient if cuts in emissions of 80 per cent are to be achieved by 2050 – the scientific imperative to contain rising temperatures within the Union’s target of a 2 degree Centigrade increase during this century. But at Bali the Union offered to cut by 30 per cent by 2020 if others reciprocate. Further tightening will be needed if the carbon price fails to rise to the kind of levels (above €40 per ton) required to bring the green shift in investment in electric power that is required.

The Commission has also proposed a series of measures to block the blatant Kyoto leaks (through the CDM and Joint Implementation), which have turned the cap so far into a sieve. Above all the move to auctioning will be essential, ending the absurdity of subsidising the largest polluters by giving them emission permits which they profitably sell. It will provide flexible means of managing and steadying the carbon price and welcome revenue, some of which must be invested in post carbon technologies and adaptation.

The move to a single community cap on emissions in 2013 will be no less crucial and a major political step. Current national targets, set through a mixture of history, competitive political bargaining and the Commission’s struggle for fairness are inherently invidious and will not be able to sustain the huge cuts required. The present phase of the European carbon market is less analogous to a common currency than to the former European Monetary System in which national currencies coexisted precariously within a band. A single community cap will in one stroke create a level playing field for the purchase of emission allowances by community enterprises, deepening and stabilising the market.

To win round member states, however, the Commission is proposing that they conduct the auctioning and collect and spend the revenue. All auctions will be open to companies throughout the Union. It is here that the difficulties – even contradictions – may appear. How are the auctions, with their revenue raising potential, to be allocated between member states? The Commission proposes allocation in proportion to the GDP of member states in 2005, with a potential “solidarity” ajustment in favour of poorer states that are expected to grow. A strong and fair financial regulation will be required.

Even so. it is hard to see the Union’s confederal setup containing comfortably the stresses of 27 members jostling for the revenue from auctions and timing auctions sensibly within a single market. Pressure must grow for the management of the community’s carbon currency to take the next step: the establishment of an agency or central bank which will both conduct auctions and have significant flexibility in buying and selling in the European carbon market. That could provide stability and sustain a target price. The central bank would also regulate the market, whose integrity is put at risk by misleading carbon “offsets” and speculative global flows. Such an agency or central carbon bank would have board members from all member states, like the European Central Bank and the Federal Reserve Board in the United States. It might operate through national agencies but must implement one policy, as does the European Central Bank.

Doubters have queried how a carbon bank could both auction a fixed quantity of emission entitlements and target a stable but rising carbon price. In fact this is just the kind of juggling which central banks engage in all the time as they work to an inflation target but follow other indicators like the money supply and endeavour to smooth market shocks. The political authority, the Council of Ministers and Parliament, will set the emissions cap and target for a European Carbon Bank but give it the flexibility to auction at discretion, buy and sell in the carbon market, and enforce the rules.

Chris Layton is chair of Action for a Global Climate Community and author of A Community of the Willing; How Europe and the South can lead the world’s response to climate change. See www.climatecommunity.org

The Sarkozy letter: equal per capita; carbon tariffs February 8, 2008

The Sarkozy letter: equal per capita; carbon tariffs

By Chris Layton

A cogent expression of trouble to come on both renewables and targets was provided by a letter from President Sarkozy to President Barroso on January 11 . He asked why France, which already has 25 % lower emissions than the European average thanks to nuclear power should have a stiff target for renewables. Sweden, with much of its energy coming from renewable hydro power, has a similar grudge. The move to auctions and a community cap will help resolve these issues, at least on emissions quotas for electric power and energy industries – half the Union’s emissions. France should have an interest in making the change effective and might see the political sense of backing a European carbon central bank, as it did Monetary Union.

President Sarkozy also suggested two wider principles: The first is that one day emissions quotas in the Union should be allocated on an equal per capita basis throughout the Union – a principle that could be applied one day to the two other largest parts of the Union’s emissions – housing and transport – if individuals are given a ‘smart card’ to pay for their energy needs. The second is the valid concern of France (and European industry) that if the EU imposes binding emissions cuts, pushing up the carbon price, “a compensation mechanism at borders for imports from countries refusing to make binding cuts thus appears essential, whether it take the form of a tax adjustment or an obligation for importers to buy quotas”. Resolutions in the US Congress take up the same idea.

Carbon tariffs are contentious, with cries of unjustified protectionism coming especially from importers and developing countries. The answer is to build on the transformation of the ETS by reaching out to key developing countries such as India and inviting them to join it, in a balanced and binding north south deal based on the per capita principle which India, President Sarkozy and Chancellor Merkel now all espouse.

Gordon Brown, friend of justice for Africa and India, should like this global prospect, and ought to back the key move to a European carbon central bank. He made his name as Chancellor by giving the bank of England independence under clear political guidance. London, centre of the European carbon market, would be the natural candidate for a European carbon central bank.

Chris Layton is chair of Action for a Global Climate Community and author of A Community of the Willing; How Europe and the South can lead the world’s response to climate change. See www.climatecommunity.org